We also fear the presidency of Obama may in fact disappoint Ethiopians. For some reason US foreign policy since the reign of Emperor Haileselassie has consistently failed to uphold democratic aspirations of Ethiopians [mid-70s, late-80s, elections'05]. Also, a president Obama will be hamstrung, at least in the short term, by promises made to middle-class America, by global economic meltdown, and by a plan to remain in office for two terms. His vice-presidential nominee, Joe Biden, has already indicated the necessity of slashing down foreign aid to fulfill promises to domestic constituency.

In the long term, Obama administration may be amenable to grassroots movements in Africa. That in turn takes hard work and a competent leadership on the part of Ethiopian opposition groups. The way things are, we see little hope for such a leadership to emerge. Intellectuals loyal to the ruling minority regime are working feverishly to disorient and misrepresent popular sentiments. Berhanu & Co. are fighting to remain relevant; Hailu Shawul & Co. are incoherent and undisciplined; Bertukan & Co. are ‘waiting for Godot’ to lend them some muscle against the ruling militia.

We don’t believe a McCain presidency will be any different either. Would Ethiopian leaders be driven into the arms of the Chinese in a post-Bush administration?

I shall resist the temptation to say “Ar ibakh tew inji” … and simply present a few facts.

Re: “Dr. Levine . . . has turned out to be a government supporter.”

Facts: Which government? Levine has been an outspoken critic of the EPRDF regime since 1992, and of the Bush regime from 2001. See “Meles Zenawi and th Politics of Ethnicity” and “Is Ethiopia Cutting Off Its Head Again?” in the Ethiopian Review, 1992 and 1993; and “Impeach the Culture?”

“What is his contribution to make US policy towards Ethiopia for the past 18 years?”

Facts: Levine has contributed in at least half a dozen ways: 1) winning support of congressmen for the enacted resolution of Shirley Jackson lee in the mid-1990s, which urged US support for Ethiopia to be tied to improvement in Human Rights conduct; 2) persuading several congressmen to sign the letter to PE Meles favoring the release of Dr. Taye Wolde Semayat, who was released ten days after that letter was sent; 3) providing information at State Department seminars about the curtailment of academic freedom and press freedom and human rights abuses by EPRDF; 4) working with chargée d’affaires Vicki Huddleston to promote efforts to secure the release of the Kaliti prisoners (who, following their actual release, requested Amb Yamamoto to organize a dinner at the Ambassador’s Residence in which they expressed appreciation for his efforts as the first shimagle to visit them in prsion and work toward their release; 5) issuing forthright critiques of the court procedures in the trial of the Kaliti prisoners, read by US officials as well as published in Addis Fortune (Click here and click here ); 6) providing an analysis of serious missed opportunities in Ethiopian national politics from 1960 to 2005 , studied by all US officials concerned with Ethiopia; and now 7) issuing statements critical of the proposed legislation curtailing NGOS in Ethiopia.

In taking these positions, Dr. Levine has not hesitated to commend the regime on its several positive accomplishments–in the areas of building infrastructure, and mediating conflicts with other African countries, for example–when they seem warranted, and to support the PEPFAR initiative to combat AIDS.

Now I ask: how is it that someone who has been such a steady supporter of democratization in Ethiopia– since 1960 as a matter of fact (see “Haile Selassie’s Ethiopia: Myth and Reality” in Africa Today, May 1961)–has incurred the antagonism of so many Diaspora Ethiopians? (Ethiopians at home know Levine as an unflinching critic of the regime as well as of abuses by other parties.)

As I see it, this reaction reflects patterns of conduct that Ethiopians–especially those over, say, 45–evince among themselves: quickness to be suspicious, to neglect context, to feel betrayed, and to vilify those with whom they disagree. This pattern has appeared increasingly in American political discourse, and if you read The Audacity of Hope, by Barack Obama, you will find the pattern noted, analyzed, and discredited; and a call for a more open and mutually respectful type of civil discourse.

Yet another reason for Ethiopians to go all out for Obama!!

I think one needs to participate and exercise their democratic rights where they are, especially if they are proclaiming it for others elsewhere.

When the Senator tells us to have faith not just in him but in ourselves, it may sound like just a policy message to some. To some of us however, it is a deep psychological, social, and personal message that reenergizes our confidence.

I know I speak for 99.9% of Ethiopians and Eritreans when I say he is one of us. We may have a Black man, first generation East-African-American (his father’s side), and an intelligent man to represent us and lead the rest of the United States as a President. What kind of reason could we possibly have to not vote for him? To vote for him is to put a down payment on our ambitions. He is our investment and our dreams. What more could we ask of this country at this time. There may be few more things, but for now, all we need to say is God Bless America, and go vote by being grateful that we can do things that we have been denied in our home countries.

God Bless America. Really!

(Besides) his School for Conflict resolution in Awassa, as the great American expert on Ethiopia, (what is his contribution to make US policy towards Ethiopia for the past 18 years?)

(The professors argument confuses the issues and actually further supports the Meles regime.)

We support Obama because we hope that he will help to bring a real democracy in Ethiopia and Africa, and not anymore false promises.