Above: (Emperor Haile Selassie in his study at the palace in
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - 1942. (Wikimedia Commons - Public
Domain)
By Ayele Bekerie
Published: Thursday, November 20, 2008
New York (Tadias) - Emperor Haile Selassie ruled Ethiopia for almost sixty years. He ruled Ethiopia as an autocrat, as an absolute ruler. His absolutist approach to power blocked sustainable reform movements that were intended to transform Ethiopia from a feudal to a modern polity. His absolute and long rule also resulted in his downfall and the end of the monarchy. I argue that absolute power is prone to endless war and conflict. It encourages rebellion, protest and banditry. Few intellectuals were courageous enough to criticize his style of rule. It took a massive uprising of students and soldiers, at the end, to irreversibly challenge the autocracy. Unfortunately, the absolutist culture he aggressively pursued is still with us. In fact, endless and senseless wars have frustrated economic, political and social development in Post-Haile Selassie Ethiopia.
To his credit, Emperor Haile Selassie presided over the establishment of institutions intended to usher modernization in the country. He established modern schools, universities, and military, naval, air force and police academies. He even donated one of his palaces to the first university in the country: Haile Selassie I University. He supervised the opening of transport, health, and recreational, financial institutions comparable to the institutions of the modern world.
In the international front, he defended the sovereign rights of Ethiopia at the then League of Nations in Geneva, Switzerland in 1937 after Italy brutally invaded and occupied Ethiopia. He succeeded in uniting Eritrea with Ethiopia in 1951. In the same year, he formally broke the long tradition that allowed the Coptic Church of Egypt to appoint Egyptian Patriarchs for the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church.

The Emperor on the cover of Time Magazine, 1930.
(Wikimedia Commons - Public Domain)
“Ethiopia under the Emperor was a considerable force within the newly formed Non-Aligned Movement and a respected voice at the United Nations, preaching on issues of international morality and justice.” (BTT, 131-132)

Visit of Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia on the United States Navy ship, USS Qunicy
in Great Bitter Lake, Egypt., February 13, 1945. (Wikimedia Commons - Public Domain)
In 1963, Ethiopia hosted the gathering of the heads of state and government of independent African states, which led to the signing of the charter to establish the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Emperor Haile Selassie chaired the first gathering of the African leaders. The Emperor played key role in the creation of the Pan-African organization. The creation of the OAU is a significant policy shift for Ethiopia. Royal solidarity is substituted with African Solidarity. The brutal invasion and occupation of Ethiopia by Italy for five years triggered his shift in orientation.
“The Emperor’s prestige and the prominent role that he started to play in international diplomacy led to Addis Ababa being chosen for the site of the headquarters of UN/ECA.” (BTT, 128)

Selassie in Jerusalem (between 1920 and 1946). Photo taken either by the American Colony
Photo Department or its successor, the Matson Photo Service. (Wikimedia Commons - Public Domain)
In 1972, he donated 500 acres of land in Shashemene to Ras Tafarians who repatriated to Ethiopia. The Emperor appeared on the front cover of Time magazine as the person of the year twice. He was recognized as an influential world leader with remarkable impact on Africa and the United Nations. The Emperor was flown to Camp David with President John F. Kennedy when he visited the United States in 1963. In 1966, he made a historic visit to Jamaica where the Rastafarians greeted him as their messiah.

Haile Selassie photographed during a radio
broadcast. Published between 1940 and
1946 by the United States Office of
War Information. Public domain.
His list of achievements, however, is overshadowed by his persistence to maintain a system of rule that frustrated dissent and reform. In 1974, an army created and organized by the Emperor carried out a revolt against his rule. He was deposed unceremoniously and a year later declared dead and buried in the palace of Emperor Menelik II. The last Emperor’s remains were later interred and buried at the Trinity Cathedral side by side with his wife, Empress Menen.
Haile Selassie’s legacy is both good and bad. His strong ambition to modernize Ethiopia failed to materialize fully because of his insistence in maintaining an absolute monarchy. Ethiopia’s rich legacy of independence and history remained incarcerated in a system that favored the royalty, nobility and few other dignitaries. The vast majority of the people were condemned into lives of serfdom, tenancy and abject poverty. Land belonged, in the main to the monarchy, the church or the nobility.
The Emperor did not come to power by legitimate means. In fact, he colluded with Shoan nobility to overthrow the heir of Emperor Menelik II. Lij Iyasu Mikael, the grandson of Menelik II was chosen for the crown and he was in his third year of rule when he was forced to abdicate under fabricated accusation. Later the legitimate king was killed. The same fate would fall on the Emperor in 1974.
The Emperor was the only child to his mother, Yeshimbet Ali, who died when he was eighteen months old. The Emperor was the only survivor; nine of his siblings died at birth. He was raised by a nurse and later home schooled by Jesuit missionaries, including Abba Samuel, who taught him French.

Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie in February
1934. Photo by Swiss pilot and photographer
Walter Mittelholzer (1894-1937).
(Wikimedia Commons - Public Domain)
The Emperor amassed enormous wealth and attempted to rule as a benevolent king, as a father figure, as the Conquering Lion of Judah, who rewarded loyalty and obedience and severely punished dissent. He made himself the major beneficiary of modernization, which was seen as antithetical to tradition.
The Emperor’s notion of Ethiopia is too narrow and did not allow the inclusion of the diverse Ethiopian population with their religions and languages. Christianity is privileged at the expense of other monotheistic traditions or indigenous religions. Languages are also suppressed thereby placing non-Amharic speakers at a great disadvantage.
Tafari Makonen, who was born in 1892, descended from the Shoa ruling dynasty of King Sahle Selassie, who claimed affiliation to the Solomonic Dynasty. Tafari Makonen became a governor of a district at the age of 13 with a rank of Dejazemach. In 1911, he married Empress Menen Asfaw, the grand daughter of Negus Mikael Ali of Wollo and the father of Lij Iyasu, the grand son of Emperor Menelik II and his heir. Tafari’s father, Ras Mekonnen Wolde Mikael was the cousin of Menelik II. His grand father Wolde Mikael was a nobleman from Tigray.
Tafari Mekonnen was elevated to a rank of Ras in 1916, the same year when Lij Iyasu was removed from power.
In 1930, he was crowned as the 225th Emperor of Ethiopia at the age of 37. In 1931, he issued a constitution that helped him to consolidate power. The constitution stated that the person of the Emperor is sacred, his dignity inviolate, and his power incontestable. It codified the supreme power of His Imperial Majesty, articulating his authority over all decisions and matters in Ethiopia. (BTT, 118)
The 1930 coronation was promoted and advertised throughout the world – Haile Selassie sent invitations to emperors, kings and presidents throughout the world. (Layers of Time, p. 205) The image of the coronation reached Jamaicans in the Caribbean. Its symbolism in relation to their colonial oppression was powerful enough to spark what later became the Rastafarian movement, a movement that defined Haile Selassie as a messianic figure.
The 1935 Italo-Ethiopian War made Emperor Haile Selassie one of the most popular and revered personalities in the African world. And yet Haile Selassie’s weak leadership and shortsightedness not only contributed to the quick defeat of the Ethiopian army and occupation of the country by the Italians.
Haile Selassie placed his faith in the League of Nations and European royal families. He resorted to all-out diplomacy and negotiations with the colonial powers. He deemphasized the need to prepare military for the war, even after he found out about Italy’s extensive preparation and decision to invade and occupy Ethiopia. Haile Selassie and his advisers learned no lessons from Emperor Menelik’s successful defense of Ethiopia’s sovereignty at Adwa in 1896. Internal dissension and perpetuation of absolute rule exposed the country and its people to naked aggression and rape by the Fascist Italian forces. In fact, Italy used weapons of mass destruction against innocent and defenseless Ethiopians.

Emperor Haile Selassie Speaking Before the League of Nations. (June 30, 1936)
Resistance fighters regarded Haile Selassie’s retreat and flight out of the country as a disgrace. Ethiopian patriotic forces were opposed to his retreat and some of these patriots were eliminated when Haile Selassie regained his monarchy with the help of the British army. Haile Selassie’s flight may have helped him to regain his power but the failure of his leadership finally came to an explosion during the 1974 massive upheaval.
Some suggest that Haile Selassie, like Charles DeGaule of France, managed to lead resistance forces from exile. His refusal to abdicate his throne and his campaign at the League of Nations in Geneva to expose the Italian atrocities in Ethiopia were regarded as indicators of a positive leadership. To his credit, Haile Selassie’s speech at the League of Nations was a prophetic speech; he predicted the fall of Europe and the rise of Nazi/fascist forces. (The Autocrat, p. 204) “If Europe reckons this matter to be an accomplished fact, then it is proper to consider this fate which awaits it and which is bound to come upon it.” (The Autocrat, p. 302)
However, other writers contend that Haile Selassie was at the mercy of his host country in exile – Britain, which decided to break ranks with Italy only after the plea of Mussolini not to ally with Hitler of Germany failed. When Britain felt its interest in the Horn of Africa was threatened by Italy’s new alliance with Germany, and then she decided to go to War against Italy. Haile Selassie was a pawn in the power game of Europe and failed to understand the motives of European countries like Britain and France.
“Ethiopia’s dismemberment was sought between 1906 and 1913 during the last years of Emperor Menelik II. Britain, Italy and France have reached agreement to rearrange Ethiopia thereby dividing up the territory into their respective sphere of influence.” (Markakis)
Pan-Africanist leaders, such as Jackson and Huggins were critical of the Ethiopian leaders, whom they characterized as living in a ‘racial fog.’ Their criticism is expressed in the following manner:
“The Ethiopian leaders still believe that they are of the White race, and so believing they doubly indict themselves. For, if they were of the White race, then in the nature of oppression, which they placed upon the Blacks, they should have been dispossessed long, long ago. But they have not read history alright. They did not read between the lines of the pseudo-scientific verbiage, which classified them as ‘White.’ They should have seen the crass fallacy, of such verbiage. They did not have sufficient psychology, or ordinary common cause, to understand that the ‘White complex’ drilled into them, paved the way for Europeans to get the inner-peace-time control of the country and finally, in a war, to utterly rend them and cast them aside.”
Haile Selassie’s policies ultimately forced Ethiopians to single-handedly face their enemies. His European ‘friends’ abandoned him or offered help that was not consistent with Ethiopia’s interest but with their colonial interests in the region.
A significant consequence of the Italian invasion, on the other hand, was the reawakening of the Pan-African movement globally. It paved the way for Ethiopia’s greater involvement in African affairs. In these respects, the War represented a critical watershed in aiding to ‘re-Africanize’ Ethiopia.
The Emperor managed to rule for almost sixty years, but in the process he also managed to bring the monarchy to an end. His lack of vision to modernize the monarchy itself contributed to its demise. In Post-Haile Selassie Ethiopia, there are struggles on many fronts to put the principle of unity in diversity into practice. The positive image of Haile Selassie, however, still lives on in some circles. The Rastafarians have turned him into a global religious-cultural icon through their ‘reasoning’ and lyrics.
About the Author:

Ayele Bekerie, an Assistant Professor at the Africana Studies and Research Center of Cornell University, is the author of the award-winning book “Ethiopic, An African Writing System: Its History and Principles” (The Red Sea Press, 1997). Bekerie’s papers have been published in scholarly journals, such as ANKH: Journal of Egyptology and African Civilizations, Journal of the Horn of Africa, Journal of Black Studies, the International Journal of Africana Studies, and the International Journal of Ethiopian Studies. Bekerie is also the creator of the African Writing System web site and a contributing author in the highly acclaimed book, “ONE HOUSE: The Battle of Adwa 1896-100 Years.” Bekerie’s most recent published work includes “The Idea of Ethiopia: Ancient Roots, Modern African Diaspora Thoughts,” in Power and Nationalism in Modern Africa, published by Carolina Academic Press in 2008 and “The Ancient African Past and Africana Studies” in the Journal of Black Studies in 2007. Bekerie appears frequently on the Amharic Service of Voice of America and Radio Germany. He is a regular contributor to Tadias Magazine and other Ethiopian American electronic publications. His current book project is on the “Idea of Ethiopia.”


























